This is the second part of a post on racism in Forest Gate
in the 1970's and 1980's - see the previous article for part one.
Gurdip Singh Chagger was murdered in Southall on 4 June
1976. A week later a demonstration was held in Stratford Town Hall by the
pro-fascist Democratic National Party. It's leader, John Kingsley Read
declared:
I have been told I cannot refer
to coloured immigrants. So, you will forgive me if I refer to niggers, wogs and
coons. As for the murder of one Asian youth in Southall last week. That was
terribly unfortunate. One down, one million to go.
Read was charged with incitement to racial hatred. It took
the jury just ten minutes to reach a 'not guilty' verdict, after they had been
directed by Judge McKinnon, in his summary:
In this England of ours we are
allowed to have our own views still. Thank goodness, and long may it last.
Read was, he said, was a man: "who had the guts to come
forward in the past and stand up publicly for the things he believed in."
This was part of the local context for a series of dreadful
racist incidents and the catalyst of effective and organised community
opposition to them in Forest Gate, in the 1970's and 80's. What follows is that
story.
Ten months after the murder of Chegger - on St George's Day
1977 - three Sikh brothers, Mohinder, Balvinder and Sukvinder Virk were
repairing their car in front of their home in East Ham, when they were
approached by five white youths, who had been drinking heavily and then began
racially abusing and attacking them.
The Virk bothers resisted; there was a struggle and one of the white
youths was stabbed. The Virk family called the police - but it was they who
were arrested, refused bail and charged with grievous bodily harm.
The white attackers were the prosecution's principal
witnesses at the trial fifteen months later and when the Virk brothers' lawyer
attempted to prove the racist nature of the original assault, by asking the
white youths whether they were members of the National Front, the notorious Judge
Argyle, presiding, ruled the question: "out of order".
Campaign leaflet, in support of the Virk brothers |
The Virk brothers were found guilty and given sentences of
between three months and seven years. In comparison, the killers of Chaggers -
mentioned at the top of this feature - received only four years, for
manslaughter.
The very different verdicts in the two cases caused outrage
within much of the black and Asian communities. A number of "defence"
groups were established - among them the Steering Committee of Asian Organisations
and the Newham Defence Committee. Funds were raised and demonstrations
organised.
The campaigns succeeded. The Appeal Court halved the Virk
brothers' sentences, the following year - with the judge declaring them to be
"law-abiding citizens". Police and judicial racism was now firmly on
the agenda for black and Asian community groups.
Similar racist-inspired attacks, however, continued,
including the murder of 10 year old Kennith Singh in Plaistow in April 1978 and
19 year old Narinder Singh Marway, on Green Street. Marway was racially abused,
spat at and hit on the head with an iron bar. When the police arrived, it was
Marway who was arrested, for "being in possession of an offensive
weapon".
The "offensive weapon" was his Karaa (the Sikh
bangle) - a sacred symbol; to be carried by all adult Sikh men, throughout
their adult lives, and with which they are cremated.
The former Forest Gate police station, on Romford Road |
Angry demonstrations followed in support of Marway - but it
was only when the matter was raised in the Indian parliament that the charge
was dropped.
One of the most notorious racist killings at the time was of
29 year old Akhtar Ali Baig, who was savagely attacked on East Ham High street
by a gang of skinhead boys and girls. 17 year old Paul Mullery pulled out a
sheath knife and stabbed him in the heart, shouting "I've just gutted a Paki."
Newham Recorder reports of killing of Akhtar Ali Baig - report on centre (above) by current Newham Heritage activist, Colin Grainger!
The murder provoked outrage and lead to a spontaneous
demonstration of about 150 black and Asian people outside the then Forest
Gate police station.
The police refused to release any details of the murder,
except declared it not to be racist - but simply a mugging. The youth took to
the streets again - to the spot where Baig was murdered - and there were 16
arrests.
The Newham Youth Movement was formed around the attack and
on 19 July 1980 an estimated 2,500 people marched through Newham in protest.
The Newham Youth Movement's Bulletin
described the response:
The tempo and the feelings of
the youth were high. The march was planned to pass Forest Gate and West Ham
police stations, and return to the murder spot.
On the way to the Forest Gate
police station about six Asian youth were arrested. Due to the police's
unreasonable behaviour, there was a sit-down protest outside Forest Gate police
station. A delegation was sent inside to negotiate their release.
The release was promised and the march continued to West Ham
Park and ended up at the original murder spot - where prayers were read from
the Koran. A further 29 people were arrested during the march.
A second march - to demand the release of the arrested - was
organised by the Newham Youth Movement. 5,000 attended and East Ham was brought
to a standstill.
The Baig murder sparked new levels of anger and protest
within the local Asian community, and beyond. Community activist, and now
Greater London Authority member, Unmesh Desai, had this to say of it, a decade
later:
As friend told me later, it was
actually their mothers who got them all up early, and said: 'Come on, we've all
got to go on the march.
Although there was a wave of
anti-fascist activity at the time around the country, I distinctly remember the
Akhtar Ali Baig march as the most angry, militant march I had been on.
The trial became the centre for demonstrations and press attention.
Racism was the focus of the trial. James Parker and Paul Mullery were found
guilty of murder. The police said that neither had shown any remorse.
Parker's bedroom, it emerged, was bedecked in Nazi and NF
material and as Mullery left the court, he gave a Nazi salute, shouted 'Sieg
Heil' and 'All for a fucking Paki'.
In the light of the overwhelming evidence, Judge Russell
concluded that the killing was "clearly motivated by racial hatred".
Obvious, perhaps, but some progress on earlier judicial observations and on the
initial police response to the murder.
Organisations that had emerged to campaign around the Baig
murder soon collapsed, due to inter-generational and other tensions. But the black
and Asian communities were becoming politicised in ways and in places that some
people found surprising at the time.
The Asian Women's Project, for example, emerged, campaigning
for support for the often isolated women members - including the needs of Asian
women refugees. Other issues were campaigned on. Writing in 1990, Gulshun Rehman, of the organisation
commented:
The black women's movement was
highlighting the whole use of the dangerous contraceptive Depo-Provera, and
Behno-Ki-milan (ed: the Sisters Movement of Asian Women, established in 1979)
got involved in picketing Forest Gate maternity hospital (ed: the former Industrial
school, now Gladys Dimson court) on Forest Lane, over the use of the drug.
Gradually black and Asian anti-racist organisations coalesced
around the issue of racial harassment and in 1980 formed the Newham Monitoring
Project (NMP). It, at once, began compiling a dossier of cases, which it sent
to local MP's (who were not always sympathetic), and established an advice
centre in Forest Gate. It soon began to operate a 24/7 emergency help-line for
black people experiencing racial violence and harassment, from 382 Katherine
Road.
Moves were afoot elsewhere at this time, often spearheaded by many of the departing "old guard" of Newham council: messrs Wales, Corbett and Baike, and other still prominent figures like MP Steven Timms and recently retired Cllr Conor McCauley, to address some of the institutional racism that prevailed in the borough.
The story is long and meandering, but basically, old stager
MP's like Reg Prentice and Arthur Lewis were de-selected and younger bloods
like Tony Banks took on the Parliamentary role.
The old racist guard were swept from power at the town hall too,
and gradually more progressive thoughts and policies - particularly around race
- began to win through.
One notable litmus test of the change was when Newham became
the first local authority in the country to evict a tenant for racial harassment
- Rosina McDonnell - in 1984. One of the Canning Town housing officers at the
time, involved in the eviction, was the future Tottenham MP, Bernie Grant.
McDonnell family evicted twice by Newham Council for racially harassing neighbours in 1984-85
Newham was under siege from the press and wider political
establishment for being 'left wing extremists' and 'politically correct, gone
mad' etc. Leading council members and senior officers resisted massive pressure
and, in some cases, intimidation to back down, but stood firm.
Winds of change blowing through the Greater London Council,
at County Hall, meant that for the first time groups such as the NMP were grant-aided, in an attempt to fight local
racism.
This was not without difficulties for the NMP, who not only
had to deal with racists outpourings and harassment, but also sectarian divisions
from the left and some community organisations - often driven by jealousy at
their prominence and successes.
382 Katherine Road, today. In the 1980's hq of Newham Monitoring Project |
Present GLA member, Unmesh Desai, at the time prominent in Newham Monitoring Project |
Strength of purpose and resolve prevailed at the NMP, as
Unmesh Desai was later to reflect:
The NMP, we felt, should not
seek bureaucratic answers to anti-racist issues ... it has always got to keep
its sharp, campaigning fighting edge ... we learned in those early days that it
is not white individuals who were the problem, but white society as a whole.
Tensions continued between the police and black youth, locally,
throughout the 1970s and 80s. In the 70's the police used the Vagrancy Acts to
pick up young black males "on suspicion" that they were about to
commit a crime - the "sus" laws.
Herby Boudier, a Newham community worker in the 1980's gave
an example:
In one particular case, in Upton
Park Road, a 17 year old youth had just left the offices of the Renewal Project
Programme (ed: a voluntary organisation supporting unemployed Afro-Caribbean
youth, among other activities) to go to the careers office for an interview,
when he was picked up and charged with 'sus'. The police evidence against him
was that while standing at the bus stop he "appeared to dip into a woman's
handbag". Yet neither the woman, nor any other witness was brought
forward.
'Sus' was finally abolished in 1981, but another form of
harassment soon replaced it. The police increasingly began to use Special
Patrol Groups (SPGs) to target black areas, targeting black youth, almost at
random.
The Ramsey case of 1983 gained particular notoriety. David Ramsey
of First Avenue, Manor Park, was stopped and arrested for stealing the car he
was driving. It was his own! He had been tracked by helicopter. His family
home was forcibly entered by the SPG and 11 members of it arrested. They were
taken to Forest Gate police station and charged with a number of offences -
obstruction, assault etc - connected to their resistance.
The NMP worked with other, similar, bodies from other
east-end local areas and held a press conference at the House of Commons, on
police harassment of the black community. The NMP called for an inquiry into
the case.
The Newham Recorder, which did not attend the press conference, responded by interviewing
four black police officers at the Forest Gate station - who dutifully said
there was no problem of racism at the station.
Racial tensions escalated into fights and violent attacks at
Little Ilford school in 1982. Matters came to a head in September when four
scruffily dressed white men jumped out of a car, by the school, and swore at
and racially abused some Asian children. The Asian lads feared a racist attack,
and a fight broke out.
Newham Recorder denying racism among Forest Gate police, in March 1983. Probably not current prominent Guardian journalist, Hugh Muir's, proudest "exclusive" |
Site of the old Forest Gate police station on Romford Road, today |
Police were called, and it transpired that the white men
who had provoked the original incident were, in fact, plain clothes policemen, themselves!
Eight Asian youth, some badly beaten, were taken to Forest Gate police station.
A Defence Committee was quickly formed and up-and-coming
civil rights lawyer, Gareth Peirce, was hired for the defence. A demonstration
of at least 1,000 marched through Newham, as a National March Against Racism and Fascism
on 24 September 1983.
500 local school children staged a strike and attended The
Old Bailey on the first day of the trial of The Newham 8, as the defendants
became known. They maintained a daily presence, throughout the trial.
Newham Recorder reports on anti-racist demonstration, in support of the Newham 8 |
These were the first school strikes in Britain against racism
and fascism. They gained considerable media attention.
The trial lasted six weeks. Four of the defendants were
found guilty of the more minor of the offences with which they were charged,
and four were found not guilty.
1983, Newham school children on strike outside the Old Bailey in support of the Newham 8. Photo: David Hoffman |
The liberal press criticised the police for their failure to
address racial violence, at the conclusion of the trail. But the lessons weren't heeded, as similar
issues arose a year later, in the case of the Newham 7.
On 7 August 1984 a gang of white youths, driving around
Newham in a car, committed a series of attacks on black people, seemingly at
random. One assault involved a partially disabled Asian youth, who was taken by
force to Wanstead Flats and attacked with a hammer.
Later that day a group of Asian youth went to the Duke of
Edinburgh pub on the corner of Green Street and Plashet Grove. The pub has
recently closed and is now a small parade of shops (see photo). It was at the
time, though, a well-known meeting place for NF thugs.
A fight broke out at the pub and an Asian youth was arrested
on a number of violence-related charges. Six more Asian youths were arrested in
the weeks that followed. Five of the youth were remanded in custody for seven
weeks, and a writ of Habeas Corpus had to be issued to secure their release.
Site of the former Duke of Edinburgh pub, on junction of Plashet Grove and Green Street, today. Now a small parade of mainly Asian shops - then a drinking den of local National Front thugs |
In contrast, three white youths were arrested as a result of
the incident and were immediately released on bail.
As black and Asian youth began to organise around the fate
of the Newham 7, a 16 year old black youth, Eustace Pryce died after being
stabbed in the head outside the (also, now closed) Greengate pub, on Barking
Road on 29 November. (see photo of the site, today - now a Tesco branch).
The murder happened after a racially motivate fight outside
the pub. Some plain clothes police officers witnessed the end of the fight,
from the top of a passing bus. They promptly arrested Gerald Pryce - brother of
the murdered Eustace - questioned him
for several hours and charged him with affray - but did not pick up the killer.
Newham Recorder reports arrests for murder of Eustace Pryce, November 1984 |
Former Greengate pub on Barking Road today - now a Tesco Express |
The police eventually arrested Martin Newhouse, who was
charged with murder.
The fates of Gerald Pryce
and Newhouse, a month later, could not
have displayed the racist bias of the judicial system more clearly. The killer
was released on bail over Christmas "so that he could be with his
family". The dead youth's brother, charged with affray, was refused bail over the holiday period! When
Gerald Pryce was eventually given bail, his movements were restricted, to
prevent him from visiting Newham, and his pregnant girlfriend.
A joint 'defence campaign' under the guidance of NMP was
formed (see photo below), but racially motivated violence persisted in Newham -
much of it orchestrated from the Duke of Edinburgh pub.
Protest marches were held in Newham and beyond, to draw
attention to the situation. One, on 27 April 1985, turned out in defence of Gerard
Pryce and the Newham 7. It was due to pass Forest Gate police station, on its
way to Plashet Park.
"Justice for the Pryce Family" march side by side with the "Newham 7" campaign. Photo: Andrew Wiard |
Newham Recorder reports on the trail of the Newham 7 - May 1984 |
When the march reached the police station, police snatch
squads charged into the crowd, pulling out Afro-Caribbean and Asian youth and
violently assaulted them. Ten of the youth were bundled into the police
station.
3,000 people refused to move from outside the police station
until the 10 were released.
As dusk was falling police District Support Units (DSUs)
from all over London descended on Forest Gate police station and the
surrounding streets. Violence erupted and 34 further arrests were made. Local
police officers later complained to the Newham
Recorder that before the DSU charges on the demonstrators, local senior
officers had forced them to "surrender the streets".
The trial of the Newham 7 began in May 1985 amid other
intolerable abuses by the authorities. At lunch-break on the second day of the
trial, one of the defendants, Parvaiz Khan, was racially abused and assaulted
by a prison warder - for refusing to eat a pork pie, a forbidden food in the Islamic faith.
1985 - heavy handed action by the police on a 1985 demonstartion in support of the Pryce Family and Newham 7, outside Plashet Park. Photo: John Sturrock |
He returned to court with a swollen face, and the trail was
adjourned for two days. This gained press coverage - not just in the UK, but in
India and Pakistan too
.
.
As the trail reconvened, two police officers, waiting to
give evidence, were found riffling through defence files and papers, and other officers
were found to be colluding over evidence.
It emerged during the trial, that while racist thugs were
plotting in the Duke of Edinburgh pub - unimpeded by the police - the police
had informants working in the Wimpey bar opposite (now a betting shop - see
photo), spying on Asian youth, who used it as a meeting place!
Four of the Newham 7 were found guilty of affray and three were acquitted - but it was the police, whose actions were exposed who were found wanting in the court of public opinion.
Four of the Newham 7 were found guilty of affray and three were acquitted - but it was the police, whose actions were exposed who were found wanting in the court of public opinion.
As far as the Pryce killing was concerned, brother Gerald
was not criminalised and killer Newhouse was sentenced to 4.5 years youth
custody - for manslaughter.
The importance of these cases is the successful campaigns around them,
in Newham and beyond - often focussing on dreadful behaviour of officers
stationed at Forest Gate police station.
The campaigns shone a light on institutional racism - particularly within the criminal justice system - from which there has been a deliberate, if slow, rowing back since.
The campaigns shone a light on institutional racism - particularly within the criminal justice system - from which there has been a deliberate, if slow, rowing back since.
Footnote This
post has been largely based on the publication: Newham - the Forging of a Black Community, published by the Newham
Monitoring Project and the Campaign Against Racism and fascism, in 1991. It is
sadly out of print. Though second hand copies occasionally become available.
Similarly we are indebted to the publication for many of the illustrations in
this post - where-ever possible, we have attempted to credit the original
photographer